The mayhem in Balochistan

Balochistan is in the throes of turmoil. Although the army has destroyed militant strongholds in Swat, Bajaur and South Waziristan, yet there are pockets of remnants and terrorism is stalking the land. On Thursday, a suicide bomber with an explosives-laden vehicle hit the official residence of DIG Investigation situated in the high security zone of police lines, in Quetta, killing a police officer and injuring 17 civilians, including two minor children. The province of Balochistan, being strategically-located and rich in mineral wealth, attracts many alien eyes. This is one of the primary reasons why India is promoting terrorism in Pakistan’s largest province through the information centres it has set up in Afghanistan. In addition, some rebels are ensconced in the US and the UK to organise their movement for a ‘Greater Balochistan’. Quite astoundingly, as the province is sinking deeper in mayhem, the federal and provincial leadership does not seem to be pushed at all. Apart from the foreign agents, some sardars are also responsible for the messy situation in Balochistan, which calls for extraordinary political initiatives, imaginative administrative moves and robust development efforts. It seems that even the Chief Minister of Balochistan, Nawab Muhammad Aslam Raisani, does not have the vision to meet the challenges. Visibly, both the Islamabad and Quetta hierarchs have abdicated responsibilities to the army for the things they themselves must be doing. And, therefore, it is the army which is opening up schools and technical and vocational training institutes, and establishing facilities for specialised education of Baloch students in disciplines of particular relevance to the province. Surely, this is the only way to enhance the skills of the youth and make them productive citizens of the country. Apart from recruiting the Baloch youths, in thousands, to its ranks and officer corps, the army is lending a helping hand to the provincial administration in development works. The contribution made by the armed forces to uplift the socio-economic conditions of the province and to bring its youth into the mainstream through their induction in the armed forces is indeed commendable. For example, Chamalang Beneficiary Education Programme, Sui Education City, Balochistan and Gwadar Institutes of Technical Education, and Kasa Hills Marble Project are some of the projects the army has undertaken. However, the elected government should at least make an effort to improve its governance to restore the confidence of the people. Besides this, it should expose all the external forces to defeat their nefarious designs, and maintain peace, amity and communal harmony in the province and the nation. Since Balochistan is a mineral-rich and strategically-located province, it needs peace and stability to create an environment conducive to investment and development, which would help improve the living conditions of the Baloch people. Though the federal government has tried to address the concerns of people through the Balochistan package, but there have been target killings of Punjabi settlers in the province. In addition, ethnic and sectarian conflicts that have surfaced with greater force have disturbed the peace and harmony of the province, since some criminals are trying to create divisions among the people. However, leaders of the Pashtun political parties have strongly opposed the target killings in Quetta. They have demanded that the Baloch nationalists openly condemn the murder of innocent civilians, and disassociate themselves with the elements responsible for such heinous crimes. Needless to say that if the sardars had cooperated with the government in establishing educational institutions in the 1970s, the new generation would have certainly assumed important positions and that there would be no need to have manpower from other provinces. While it is true that Balochistan was neglected during the British Raj, and no serious effort was made during the last six decades to bring it at par with the other provinces, the sardars are also to blame for having brought it to this stage. Anyway, through the National Finance Commission Award efforts are made by the federal government to allocate additional funds for the development of the province. Sindh and Punjab provinces have willingly accepted a cut in their allocations to compensate Balochistan for the past neglect. As regards the missing persons, there should be high-powered judicial enquiry, which should not only try to locate the missing persons held on various charges, but also try to trace them from the ferrari camps or detention centres being run by the insurgents. The people of Balochistan have been waging a struggle for their rights ever since the British left. Perhaps, there could have been some justification for the resistance when they were under a strong centre and unitary form of government in the 1950s and 1960s. But once the One-Unit was done away with and complete provincial status was given to Balochistan, the struggle should have ended. However, the long dormant crisis erupted into a brutal confrontation with the centre in 1973 when late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had tried to establish educational institutions and construct roads in the province. The insurgency, however, lasted for four years from 1973 to 1977, and it was after the promulgation of the martial law by Late General Ziaul Haq that sedition cases were withdrawn against the Baloch sardars. Anyhow, it was relatively calm during the Zia era. Also, it is true that the Baloch nationalists were disconcerted with former President Pervez Musharraf over Sardar Akbar Bugti’s killing,, but after his exit the political scenario should have changed. After the 2008 general elections, President Asif Ali Zardari visited Balochistan and apologised for the excesses on the Baloch people in the past. He had promised to look into the genuine demands of the nationalists and also allocated a huge sum of Rs46.6 billion for development purposes. Bu the problem is that tribalism is firmly rooted in Balochistan, as ethnic and tribal identity is a potent force for both individuals and groups in the province. As a result, there exists deep polarisation among different groups. Each of these groups is based on different norms and rules of social organisation, which has left the province inexorably fragmented. Hence, the sardars should try to negotiate with the elected government to improve the living standards of their people. They should wean off from the politics of confrontation and help stop bloodshed in the province. The writer is a freelance columnist.