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Saturday, 16 April 2011

A hair-raising conspiracy

WHAT’S wrong with being a conspiracy theorist? Our everyday lives are filled with so much that is inexplicable and comes out of the blue that often the only plausible explanation for such things is the one that tells you they must be the result of a conspiracy.
In recent months, the most potent threat to the image of the military has come in the manner of the release and exit from Pakistan of Raymond Davis, the CIA contractor, accused of murder.
You don’t have to take my word for it for I believe sovereignty without a life of dignity for my 170 million compatriots means nothing. But this was the view of those members of the Fourth Estate who are totally committed to the concept of a security state and perhaps even more committed to the guardians of Pakistan’s ideological and territorial frontiers.
Equally significant is their claim to have ready access to the nation’s (qaum/awam) views. Must have Gallup/MORI type
polling organisations feeding directly into their studios and newspapers everyday.
So, now that the New York Times tells us that ISI chief Ahmed Shuja Pasha has talked tough to his CIA counterpart Leon Panetta, and that too in the latter’s citadel of Langley, Virginia, is the army on its way to regaining its lost status as the monopolist of all things good and clean in the country? And if that is the case, will the military leadership’s disdain for the present set of governing politicians resurface in the shape of what a former senior officer calls ‘patriot games’.
Patriot Games? Yes, what else should we label the various experiments in political engineering that different military leaders have been carrying out since they initially tasted for themselves that soul-destroying intoxicant called power?
Do we know why the prime minister and other members of the governing party keep denying that there can be fresh elections ahead of the completion of the present government’s term? Any idea why the PML-N’s leading light, Chaudhry Nisar Ali, is appearing bitter than the bitterest of medicines?
Many journalists who have covered parliament will tell you that Chaudhry Nisar has the ability to vent his spleen without rhyme or reason and will caution you against reading too much into his outbursts.
But then, the MQM’s rally draws the sort of statements from a large number of PML-N leaders that one would be forced to wonder whether this is the reaction to an insignificantly weak threat or the fear of something far more sinister?
Then you hear Imran Khan has met Altaf Hussain clandestinely in London. Of course, the former cricketer and his party have denied this. But there can be no denying the timing of the MQM’s Lahore public meeting.
Although quite a few highbrow observers would often rightly dismiss our TV talk shows as absurd, occasionally these shows will also allow one to gain an insight into the politicians’ reading of a situation.
Little wonder one couldn’t help but notice last week when in a TV discussion programme PML-N Senator Mushahid Ullah resorted to the most, and I say with great respect for he is a public representative, crass line of argument with a leader of
Imran Khan’s PTI.
The PTI representative (I do seek his forgiveness having missed his name along with the initial part of the programme) had barely questioned the source of funds for the multiple properties the Sharifs allegedly own abroad when the senator cut loose.
What followed was a torrent in which Imran Khan’s past as a ‘playboy’ was raised in the most uncivil of terms. This wasn’t all.
Senator Mushahid Ullah also objected to Imran staying at his former wife’s mansion in London and Jemima Khan’s staying at Imran’s place in Pakistan on the occasion the two visit each other’s countries.
This, coupled with the cricketing icon’s relationship with the late Sita White ages ago, was cited as a reason to question Imran’s suitability to become the prime minister of an Islamic country.
Imran Khan’s defender, albeit perspiring in anger with his pate shining in the studio lights, was no match for the PML senator’s ferocity. But he did mention the Sharifs’ Achilles heel which, in their case, happens to be their scalps.
He suggested that the Sharifs had got hair transplants because of their earnest wish to appear attractive to women (while the great Khan needed no such help). At this Mushahid Ullah alleged that Imran Khan had also benefited from a hair transplant.
I was left scratching my head — though very gently so as not to dig furrows through it, given how sparsely populated with hair my own scalp is. This was undoubtedly beginning to take the shape of a conspiracy — and nothing short of a hair-raising one.
The idea seemed to be for the PML-N to tell the PTI leader what to expect if he entered the electoral fray (whenever that may be) as a serious contender for power especially if he has found influential backers. But at this stage it is, admittedly, no more than speculation that the guardians of a sovereign Pakistan may be trying to assemble a grouping of ‘clean’ politicians for the next electoral exercise.
So, before serious readers jump down my throat for peddling conspiracy theories and not facts, let me place an irrefutable fact for the public record. Power players in Pakistani politics rely heavily on hair transplants, not unlike their Italian counterparts.
And the phenomenon is not restricted to civilian leaders. Look out for a hairline resembling Berlusconi’s among the monopolists of the clean and the good when the cap is off. I daren’t say more.
The writer is a former editor of Dawn.

The ban on books

AMONG the bad habits which we inherited from the British Raj, is a marked propensity to ban books. In 1976, a distinguished American scholar, N. Gerald Barrier published a book with the pithy title Banned. It documented all the books and pamphlets which the British banned in India from 1907 till independence.
About the only redeeming feature in the recent unseemly furore in India over Joseph Lelyveld’s book Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle with India is that the governments of India and of the states refused to ban it. The only and ugly exception was the government of Gujarat, headed by Narendra Modi, under whose watch a pogrom of Muslims was staged in
2002. He hoped to win kudos for being the first to ban and now finds himself alone and ridiculed.
Book-banning is inspired by the same mentality which promotes book-burning. It is no function of the state to prescribe a select bibliography to its citizens and undermine the fundamentals of democracy. Before pursuing this theme, however, one must reckon with a certain trend in the West which justifies wilful intentional insult as an exercise of free speech; specifically insult to the faith of Islam and to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). In truth, the trend has only accentuated in recent months; for, as James Carrol recalled, in an article in The New York Times earlier this month, “Contempt towards the religion of Muhammad is a foundational pillar of western civilisation. That it is unacknowledged only makes it more pernicious.”
Minou Reeve’s splendid work Muhammad in Europe documents 1,000 years of western denigration. The Danish cartoons are in that tradition. The answer lies not in a frenzy of book-banning, still less in violence but in a two-pronged approach. One is the approach of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan the founder of the Aligarh movement. As Dr Zakir Hussain reminded the students of the Aligarh Muslim University when he was its vice-chancellor, Sir Syed’s answer to William Muir’s biased Life of Muhammad was
a work of scholarship entitled A Series of Essays on the Life of Muhammad and Subjects Subsidiary Thereto.
A marked feature of the style of advocates of book-banning is a reluctance to join in reasoned refutation. The other prong is recourse to judicial verdict. Books cannot be banned by a mere executive order unless it is supported by law. The law can be challenged as an infringement of the right to freedom of speech and expression if it gives carte blanche to the state. Section 11 of India’s Sea Customs Act, 1962 gives New Delhi unfettered power to prohibit import of any literature inter alia for any
“purpose conducive to the interests of the general public”. This is patently unconstitutional.
Salman Rushdie won sympathy from some in India because his book The Satanic Verses was banned under this act. The issue got blurred. It was clearly defined by a great English judge Lord Scarman who regretted that the law of blasphemy protected Christianity alone. He ruled in the House of Lords in 1979 “I do not subscribe to the view that the common law offence of blasphemous libel serves no useful purpose in the modern law. On the contrary, I think that there is a case for legislation extending it to protect the religious beliefs and feelings of non-Christians. The offence belongs to a group of criminal offences designed to safeguard the internal tranquillity of the kingdom. In an increasingly plural society such as that of modern Britain it is necessary not only to respect the different religious beliefs, feelings and practices of all but also to protect them from scurrility, vilification, ridicule and contempt.”
That is an abuse of the right to free speech which is unprotected under Article 19 (3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article 19 of the Pakistani constitution and Article 19 (2) of the Indian constitution.
The law provides a mechanism for striking a fair balance between the right and its limits. Pakistan and India inherited the Criminal Procedure Code, 1898 and amended it. Section 99B empowered the state to forfeit literature which offended against the law. In India, that category was significantly expanded in the new code of 1973, based on the old one. It includes deliberate and malicious insult to religion. However, every such order was open to challenge, under S. 99C of the code of 1898, to a review by a three-man bench of the high court. The 1973 code retains these provisions.
Advocates of book-banning have no patience with the legal route. They prefer, instead, to whip up mass frenzy and take the law into their own hands. It is a consistent feature of such agitations that they are based on ignorance of the contents of the book. They rely on a ready response from the growing constituency of bigotry. On Jan 5, 2004 in Poona (now Pune), men of the Sambhaji Brigade ransacked the premises of an internationally famous institution of learning, the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, damaging several rare manuscripts and priceless articles. Its crime? It had permitted James Laine to draw on its resources to write his book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India. He had consulted over 30 works in Marathi. The book was published by a highly respected firm, Oxford University Press. Activists across India and abroad denounced the vandalism and the Maharashtra government’s ban. It was quashed by the Supreme Court in July 2010.
The furore over Joseph Lelyveld’s book was based on a review by Andrew Robinson in The Wall Street Journal before its publication in India. No one accepts the reviewer’s inference that the book described Gandhi as a “racist” and a “bisexual”.
The material on which Lelyveld drew is available in published works. Underlying the shrill cries for bans on books is a shrewd assessment of the weakness of governments and their abject surrender to frenzy.
In 1989, the Supreme Court of India asked, in a case of film censorship: “We want to put the anguished question, what good is the protection of freedom of expression if the state does not take care to protect it? …It is the duty of the state to protect the freedom of expression since it is a liberty guaranteed against the state. The state cannot plead its inability to handle the hostile audience problem. It is its obligatory duty to prevent it and protect the freedom of expression.”
The writer is an author and a lawyer.

Bypassing the real issues

Bypassing the real issues

HERE we go again: more Muslim-bashing in France, more killings of Christians in Afghanistan and more lament in the US, Europe and parts of the Muslim world over the ‘clash of civilisations’.
Meanwhile, as illustrated in the Arab world, what people really want are jobs, democracy and freedom, not more religious bigotry and extremism. There is something toxic and surreal about Europe’s obsession with the sartorial choices of Muslim women. But spare a thought for modern-day European politicians as they try and understand the quirkier lifestyle choices made by a very small minority of European Muslims.
I wonder: instead of focusing on the very real challenge of integration and building an inclusive society why are European politicians and some European Muslims wasting time on burkas and minarets? Is it not revealing that it’s Muslim women, who arguably already face the biggest societal hurdles in becoming part of the European mainstream, who end up in the front line?
For those who have not followed the saga, here are some insights: since April 11, it has been against the law for people in France to cover their faces with a burka, a niqab, a hood or a mask while in a public place. Since I have yet to meet a Muslim man — however pious — opt for such a covering, the French bill impacts solely on the few Muslim women who want to spend their public life sheltering behind the burka.
The French burka ban is the first in Europe, but other countries are waiting to enact similar legislation. In Belgium, the lower parliamentary chamber voted a year ago in favour of banning the full veil. However, the reform is on hold because of long-term political deadlock.
Seven of Germany’s 16 states have banned teachers in state schools from wearing Islamic headscarves. And wearing Islamic veils or headscarves is officially prohibited at universities in Turkey, a country that is predominantly Muslim but constitutionally secular. In Britain, the government has ruled out a burka ban, with Damian Green, the immigration minister, saying that “telling people what they can and can’t wear, if they’re just walking down the street, is a rather un-British thing to do”.
I have to confess to certain impatience with Europe’s hand-wringing over the visible presence of Muslims in the public space.
It’s fashionable to declare — as the leaders of Britain, Germany and France did just recently — that multiculturalism has
“utterly failed” and that Muslims must either melt into the landscape or “go home”. There’s little doubt that Europe’s attempts at the integration of Muslims have been largely unsuccessful. But that’s not just because of the Muslim communities’ unwillingness to join the mainstream. European governments have done little to encourage integration, with many failing to enforce anti-discrimination legislation or promote jobs, education and better housing for minorities. Also, Europe is not ‘secular’ as many analysts suggest. Christian traditions are deeply rooted in the culture. For many Europeans, however, religion is personal, a private affair. As such, the very visible piousness of orthodox Muslims and Jews is often viewed with disquiet. In fact, the debate over the burka distracts from the very real problems of integration faced by Europe’s Muslim minority.
Clearly also, with national polls scheduled for next year, French President Nicolas Sarkozy is running scared of the far-right Front National and its charismatic and increasingly popular leader Marine Le Pen. The ban on the burka could be just what the embattled French leader needs to re-establish his credentials with Islam-wary voters. I am equally impatient, however, with the minority of women who see the burka as an essential part of their Muslim identity. It is not. Once again, it is a distraction from the real struggle to get a decent education, find a job and fend off discrimination.
The question has of course divided the Muslim community at a time when joint action is needed to confront common challenges.
Trying to set the record straight, a recent report on Unveiling the Truth released by the Open Society Institute seeks to distinguish myths and misrepresentations surrounding women who wear the full-face veil. The study notes that the wearing of the full-face veil is not a permanent practice for every woman. Nine of the 32 respondents interviewed said they did not wear the veil on a regular basis for three main reasons: the general socio-political climate, work regulations or family tensions.
The adoption of the full-face veil is not a rejection of socialisation, it said. In the majority of cases, the women interviewed had active social lives. Many who avoided going outdoors since they started wearing the veil did so only to avoid the abuse levelled at them in public. In most cases, the women interviewed said they adopted the full-face veil as part of a spiritual journey, not because of pressure. Others confessed that they started wearing the niqab after the controversy broke out in April 2009. In fact, many parents considered the full-face veil as an extremist practice, something unrelated to religion. Many parents also rejected their daughters’ full-face veil because they wanted their children to pursue a professional career.
Muslims who have made it as politicians, business leaders, artists and the like in their home countries or in their adopted lands have done so by putting in long hours, team work and hard labour. Success is difficult to come by for those who purposely exclude themselves from other people.
The writer is Dawn’s correspondent in Brussels.

Obama's dilemma!

n Marwan Al Kabalan
When US President Barack Obama used the Cairo University as a platform to lecture the Arab world on the merits of democracy a couple of years ago, he did not imagine that his words and speeches would be tested before the end of his presidency. In fact, the Arab revolutions have put Obama and his political advisers off guard, and have presented them with a dilemma that needs to be dealt with at some point.
In Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and even in Libya, Washington seemed to have been quite content with the status quo. It was forced to adjust its policy only when it became absolutely clear that change in these countries was inevitable. Several excuses have been given to justify the lack of interest by the Obama administration in democracy promotion in the Middle East (ME).
Absorbed with his internal problems and preoccupied with re-establishing America's leadership abroad, Obama's utmost priorities are to resuscitate the US economy and end two unnecessary wars, i.e. Iraq and Afghanistan, it has been argued.
Given the golden opportunity presented by the uprisings in the Arab world to advance the cause of democracy, however, these excuses are hardly convincing. Unlike the costly intervention in Iraq, for example, the US could contribute to establishing democracies in the Arab world at a cheap price.
Over the past two years, since he became President, Obama has not been really interested in the kind of rhetoric which featured prominently under his predecessor and focused on democratic change in the ME. Words such as ‘democracy promotion' have almost disappeared from Obama's public speeches. This trend brought to the fore the eternal question in US policy circles about the ability of America to live with democratic governments in the ME.
The thesis that America must support dictators or else accept to live with the very people it regards as dangerous for its interests and core values has become the compass that directs US policy in the ME under Obama.
His dilemma in dealing with the current events in the Arab world involves balancing the desire for establishing democracy with the risk of losing power to anti-US elements. His worry is that democracy in there may very well empower the forces that the US opposes.
Clearly, the US is still hostage to its unfortunate experience in Iran. The Americans still remember with bitterness that in the 1970s when former US President Jimmy Carter demanded that the Shah should respect human rights, the domestic pressures that were unleashed helped overthrow his rule and bring about a government unacceptable to it. The US cannot hide its fear of having similar experiences in the Arab countries where revolutions are taking place. This prevalent view among US officials explains the hesitancy and the inconsistent policies of the Obama administration concerning the Arab revolutions.
This news was published in print paper. To access the complete paper of this day. click here

A mere core irritant?

Our Foreign office spokesperson Tehmina Janjua said at the weekly media briefing on April 14 that the continuing drone attacks are “a core irritant” in the US-Pakistan counterterrorism cooperation. Are these drone attacks, which are planned without taking the concerned Pakistani authorities on board, a mere irritant?
The latest Foreign Office statement is an indication of a come down on the stand taken earlier when General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, himself, had lodged a protest and asked Washington to put a stop to these strikes. Last month, the American Ambassador was called by the Foreign Office and firmly told to convey to Washington the unhappiness and deep concern of the Government of Pakistan and its people. Now, mark Tehmina’s recent words: “I would like to state that Pakistan attaches immense importance to its relations with the US. Law enforcement and counterterrorism is one such track.” The tone contrasts with the stance taken by the Government of Pakistan earlier when Islamabad pulled out of the trilateral talks with the US and Afghanistan.
This softening of the approach has come after a bland statement of Mr Munter, the American Ambassador to Pakistan. To quote (April 11): “We have had some difficult days in the past. But I am here today to speak of opportunities in the future, not of problems in the past. These problems have been acute in recent months, symbolised by the case of Raymond Davis. We must not let this very regrettable incident stop us, as we work together. Instead, let us look for renewal.”
One may also take notice of the ISI Chief’s one-day visit to the US to meet CIA Director Leon Panetta. Little has been said by the Pakistani officials about the result of this meeting. A CIA official, however, has spoken, emphasising that the US intelligence agency’s relations with the ISI remained on a strong footing. But from the American press reports, it appears that Pasha’s pleas about drone attacks, including the advance exchange of information and reduction in the number of CIA operators in Pakistan, were met by a cold response and at best there was some indication of “limited concessions”. This was resoundingly confirmed by the renewal of the drone attacks after a few weeks’ lull when, on Wednesday last, Angoor Adda was hit. This occurred soon after Pasha left Washington.
This news was published in print paper. To access the complete paper of this day. click here

Media and perception management

The modern media has achieved the capability to effect collective change in the psyche of people or group of people and drive agendas, according to the desire of media masters, by continuously feeding minds with false or true pictures. It is up to the media whether it sides with truth or falsehood. According to Goebbles, it can prove that a circle is actually a square. Time is its chief source of revenue; with time the media can achieve its objectives - perhaps, very slowly but effectively.
But when did the media gain authority in this world? Well, no one actually knows the answer to this question, but the use of media and propaganda became common during the middle ages. During the Mongol invasions, it projected itself in horrifying pictures and narratives propagated by the agents, who would spread the news of terror before the invading hordes arrived at the gates of cities. False stories made by the tradesmen about the Mongols gave birth to fear in the minds of the opposing people, and they would prefer surrendering, rather than fighting the golden horde. Fear was a weapon for the Mongols, as it made their conquests effortless. This was probably the first ruthless, but effective use of psy warfare.
The media became a power during the World Wars, as Axis and Allies used it for propaganda against one another. During the period after World War II, it became the fourth pillar of power. Meanwhile, the information age has brought the media to the forefront of everything, from economic wars between multinational corporations to the Facebook revolt now taking place in the Middle East. Today, the media has its own role, accountability, market and direction. It needs watchful attention in a country, like Pakistan, where its exponential growth has created new avenues of the use of soft power, which can be used both positively and negatively.
Suppose you are Mr Sheikhoo. This year you have not been able to do well in studies, and everyone in the house starts scolding and advising you - your grandpa blames your disconnect with elders for poor result in the exam, your sister gives you negative dozes of advice on a daily basis, father physically thrashes you once in a week, and mother asks you to quit studies and help father in running the grocery store, on top of everything your teachers (instead of guiding you) issues warning notices on a weekly basis to improve upon your performance. You will get depressed and finally collapse.

Who to trust on nuclear?

Who to trust on nuclear?

IN the continuing disaster at Fukushima, Japan’s nuclear safety agency has now raised the crisis level to seven: the highest category of nuclear accident. The government is widening the evacuation zone. The unpalatable truth is that the legacy of Fukushima will be with us for a long time to come.
The numbers are staggering. Latest information from nuclear consulting engineer John Large tells us the six reactor cores held 487 tonnes of uranium (of which 95 tonnes includes 230kg of plutonium, an even nastier substance, from the Mox assemblies), with a further 1,838 tonnes of stored spent fuel, including 1,097 tonnes in the central pool store. There is no question there have been very significant and “ongoing” releases of this radioactive inventory.
But even away from this disaster, facts about the industry’s cost and scope to meet Europe’s energy needs should be enough to give nuclear supporters pause. For instance, government figures state that a very ambitious new nuclear-build programme will give us only four per cent of the energy we need. Electricity provides only 20 per cent of our energy, and at its peak nuclear only provided 20 per cent of electricity.
Energy policy professor Steve Thomas points out that the scale of problems at newbuild reactors in Finland and France has taken even sceptics by surprise. Originally priced at euro3bn, the Finnish reactor’s cost is estimated to be at least euro5.7bn, and the French reactor is doing just as badly. Britain’s nuclear waste bill is still growing too: liability estimates have grown from £50bn in the mid-2000s to as much as £80bn at present.
In stark contrast to the “measured exit” from nuclear power of Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, the chief executive of EDF insists that new UK reactors “will have to go ahead” — maybe something to do with the £12.4bn they’ve already spent on buying UK nuclear sites.
And when Nick Clegg suggested that the next generation of nuclear power stations may never be built because the recommended higher and more costly safety standards would make them too expensive, Chris Huhne launched an astonishing
attack on his party leader, accusing him of behaving like a “headless chicken” on the issue.
Huhne’s more considered move was to call on the Health and Safety Executive’s chief nuclear inspector, Mike Weightman, to do a “thorough report on the implications of the situation in Japan and the lessons to be learned”.
Sadly, compared to other countries, the HSE review is looking increasingly narrow.
All this points to a key difference between the rhetoric and reality of nuclear risk management. Despite an unending round of nuclear consultations there remain fundamental questions about ‘what if’ issues such as fuel supply and manufacture, vulnerability to attack, radioactive waste management, radiation risk, decommissioning, reactor coastal siting, flooding, nuclear costs and accident liabilities. — The Guardian, London

Shifting sands in the Middle East

Shifting sands in the Middle East

AS the winds of change sweep through the Middle East, no state in the region is immune. Even Fortress Israel is bracing for rough weather ahead.
The threat the Zionist state faces does not come from the ineffectual Qassam rockets fired from Gaza, but from the expectation that the occupied West Bank will declare itself an independent state at the opening session of the General Assembly in September.
It is widely expected that the Palestinian state will be recognised by a large number of the international community. Although this largely symbolic act will do little to reduce the oppressive weight of the illegal occupation, it will place Israel in the embarrassing position of holding and colonising a member of the United Nations.
There are voices in Israel warning of the danger from this move. While Prime Minister Netanyahu is aware of the implications of this Palestinian step, he is unwilling to move towards serious negotiations. The basic demand that Israel cease settlement-building on occupied territory remains unacceptable to Tel Aviv. And the Obama administration continues to be reluctant to use its leverage to persuade the Israeli government to enter meaningful talks.
In the absence of any positive signals from either the Americans or the Israelis, the Palestinian Authority is left with no option but to declare unilateral statehood and hope for worldwide recognition. A recent editorial in Haaretz, the liberal Israeli daily, captures Netanyahu’s dilemma well:
“Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is assimilating too slowly the possibility — he calls it a danger — that come September, the world will recognise an independent Palestinian state.
“One may dispute the idea that such international recognition and the establishment of such a state are a threat to Israel.… But there is no disputing that the steps Netanyahu proposes to ‘thwart’ the internationalisation of the Israel-Palestine conflict — unilateral withdrawal or an international peace conference to renew negotiations — are at best insufficient and at worst another public relations show … Hiding behind it is the intention to present Israel as ready for concessions that are insufficient and an attempt to blame the Palestinians for the failure of the process….”
It must be noted that Haaretz does not speak for the majority of Israelis who generally oppose any major concessions to the Palestinians. Nevertheless, there is an element of disquiet over the changes taking place in the neighbourhood, and how they are likely to impact Israel. In this context, there might well be a growing willingness to make peace with the Palestinians.
Thus far, there has been little internal or external pressure on the Israeli government to end the decades-long occupation. The
status quo has suited Tel Aviv and the half million Israeli settlers who have colonised large swathes of occupied Palestinian land.
Oddly, the dispute has not figured in the widespread protests sweeping the Middle East. Even though Egypt and Jordan have cut deals with Israel, demonstrators have not shouted slogans condemning their leaders for these pacts. And nor is there a demand that the new governments, whenever they are formed, should abrogate the peace treaties and other understandings with Israel.
Perhaps this exclusion of Israel from the Middle East ferment is a sign that Arabs have largely come to terms with the presence of their Zionist neighbour. While their sympathy for the Palestinian people remains steadfast, they do not wish to sidetrack their movement to usher in democracy. Nevertheless, it is entirely possible that once popularly elected governments are in place, they would add their weight to securing a Palestinian state.
In this high-stake poker game, one of the most potent cards Israel holds is the enmity dividing the Palestinian side. As long as Hamas and the Palestinian Authority remain at daggers drawn, Tel Aviv can claim, with some justification, that it has nobody to talk to. Hamas, with its refusal to accept the existence of Israel, provides ammunition to the state’s supporters in the West.
But certain long-term trends are working against Israel’s interests. The weakening of its ties with Turkey, as well as the possibility of a genuinely popular government in Egypt, both represent a weakening of its strategic position in the region. The possibility of another humanitarian flotilla sailing from Turkey to Gaza next month is a reminder that occupied Palestine is still high on the agenda for many peace activists.
Thus far, one of the factors that has weighed so heavily in Israel’s favour in western minds is that it is the only democracy in a sea of despotic Arab states. But once popular governments replace ageing dictators, the balance will shift, and morally, Israel will stand isolated. Whether this translates into greater diplomatic support for Palestine remains to be seen.
Understandably, many Israelis wish the Palestinian problem would just go away. Living as they do in a prosperous state, they are weary of the endless conflict. Indeed, it hardly affects any of them directly as the security wall has greatly reduced the threat of terrorist attacks. But in a case of the tail wagging the dog, the presence of a large number of settlements on occupied territory blocks a negotiated peace that would be acceptable to the Palestinians.
No political party in Israel today can announce the withdrawal of the state to its pre-1967 borders. To do so would be tantamount to political suicide. The settlers and their right-wing supporters in Israel constitute a powerful lobby for maintaining the status quo. Herein lies the dilemma for any would-be peacemaker.
Nevertheless, the broad contours of a deal exist: with land swaps to compensate the Palestinians for the larger settlements contiguous with the Israeli border, there is an agreement waiting to be signed. Some kind of joint sovereignty over Jerusalem, and a token right of return for Palestinians driven from their homes in 1948, would complete the compromise solution.
This would be far from perfect for the Palestinians, but it is the best they can hope for. When you are bargaining from a position of weakness, you cannot hold out for the maximum. Israel would be well advised to go for such a deal before things change even more dramatically in the Middle East.

irfan.husain@gmail.com

Confusion and opaqueness

A HELPFUL rule when trying to decipher spy rows: everyone`s lying. Spy agencies generally, and the ISI and the CIA in particular, aren`t really in the business of telling their respective publics the truth. What they are particularly good at is using the media to try and gain leverage against one another.
Have a look at the narrative that`s developed around the Raymond Davis affair in the US. Davis was a contractor providing security to an intelligence team that was probing into the affairs of Lashkar-i-Taiba, the story goes. It looks and sounds great. Bad Laskhar vs heroic Americans trying to keep the world safe. All neatly wrapped in the American flag.
Gosh, is there a possibility the Americans may have been up to something else, something less unambiguously good and welcome? Y`know, like the other not-so-nice stuff that the CIA has been known to get involved in in the past?
Not a chance, at least if you believe the narrative in the American media. And no points for guessing where the theory of the wholesome CIA at work in dangerous Pakistan has come from.
Over here it`s been just as fanciful. The secretive Musharraf or a craven Zardari are responsible for letting Americans walk in through the front door and run around the country. Musharraf and Zardari also gave the Americans carte blanche to drone-strike Fata into a mangled mess.
Never mind that for the past three years we`ve had the same principals in charge of the army and the ISI. And never mind that they`ve given themselves generous extensions. It`s all Musharraf`s fault or Zardari`s cunning. But spy agencies lying is the least of our problems. The dissembling and manipulation is supposed to be in pursuit of some strategic goal.
The Americans ostensibly know what their goal is: to disrupt, dismantle and defeat Al Qaeda and affiliated militants in Pakistan and Afghanistan. That`s the goal laid down by the American president, agree or disagree with it and debate what it means all you want.
What is our goal? Nobody seems to know.
Sure, there are things the army and the US agree on. Both agree Al Qaeda is bad and it has to be squeezed out of this part of the world. Both agree that Afghanistan cannot fall apart again. But do we have a list of specific things we want? Are the Haqqanis an insurance policy or the actual policy?
Can we say on Afghanistan, right, America you need to do this, Iran you can have that, India you need to pull back to this line and China you will guarantee economic activity here? It`s not like the rest of the world will automatically listen to us, but is the negotiating position clear?
And perhaps of lesser relevance to the outside world but of fundamental importance to the people over here, is there any thought given to how the next phase in Afghanistan may link up with the internal security or economic situation over here in Pakistan? Look for answers to any of these questions in Pakistan and you`re likely to be met with an awkward silence.
Whether there are 300 American super spies in Pakistan or zero, whether Americans are trigger-happy when it comes to using drones in Fata or not, it makes little difference in the bigger picture as long as we are not sure how to fit the pieces together in the bigger picture or even what bigger picture we want in the first place.
Consider this. North Waziristan Agency bothers the army because in the Mirali sub-division abutting the settled districts a bunch of the Pakistan-centric militants have gathered. The adjacent Miramshah sub-division is less of a bother to the army because that`s the Haqqanis` stamping ground.
A partial push into NWA may be problematic because if the army were to try and clean up the areas that worry it, the operation may create momentum for the Americans to demand expanding the push into areas that bother the US.
So essentially the army`s calculation for not moving in NWA must come down to this: whatever the pain the Pakistan-centric militants can inflict on Pakistan is less than the potential benefits that the Haqqanis have to offer us in Afghanistan.But is it possible that the security establishment is downplaying the pain and overestimating the potential benefits? Speak to anyone who knows anything about militancy or Fata, and the answer is, yes, the security establishment is probably miscalculating.
At this point, with time running out, it`s less helpful to ask why. More relevant, how do you get the security establishment to acknowledge what everyone else is seeing? But the more relevant question doesn`t have a more reassuring answer.
Consider something else. With India, the public is constantly told: we don`t plan for intentions, we plan for capabilities. But with the US, the security establishment often talks about intentions. The Americans want to strip us of our nukes. There may be some designs to break up Pakistan, starting with Balochistan. The Americans intend to shut us out in Afghanistan.
At some point, it all becomes terribly Gollum-esque, the Ring extending the life of the hobbit but also enslaving him.
It`s probably too much to expect there is a uniform somewhere muttering to himself, “We wants it, we needs it. Must have the precious. They stole it from us.” But if life does imitate art, in the real world, our Gollums won`t go down alone. They will take us down with them.
The writer is a member of staff.
cyril.a@gmail.com

Bring it on Babar

What is it that brand ambassadors, drama actors and legal minds like Babar Awan have in common? They don’t have to believe a single word that they are saying during the course of their professional duties. Yet, the spin they put on during their stage performances and the theatrics that they use make them compelling viewership material.
We are now informed that Doctor Babar Awan, recently, resigned as Federal Law Minister and master of theatrics to boot, will be defending ZAB when the case for his retrial opens in the Supreme Court. In the doctor’s own words: “Zulfikar Ali Bhutto will be speaking through me.” Those of us, old enough to recall the magic, sophistication, and charisma of ZAB, feel this is the unkindest cut because they are also old enough to remember what Awan’s publicly stated opinion on Bhutto was at that time!
The feeling in the pit of the most authentic jiyala stomachs is that of revulsion too. It really has given a new meaning to the phrase, “from one end of the pendulum to another!” The fact remains that Awan is the chosen person by his party leadership for the role of defending ZAB. He has been able to give many successful performances of his loyalty to them by going many extra miles, with not a thought for morality or such like. On a personal level, I have always remained confused about his abilities of political U-turns and of giving Quranic dars (lesson) simultaneously, remaining at peace with himself.
The opinion that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s trial was a travesty of justice and his hanging a judicial murder is held by a large number of Pakistanis, and the retrial is not going to add to this nor can it bring him back. The retrial, however, will divert the nation’s attention from so many other life-threatening issues that plague it. That, I guess, is Pakistani politics at its best. Diffuse, divert and buy time seems to be the general policy of the current government. It will also play on the PPP supporter feelings that its leadership has always been treated unfairly.

Thursday, 14 April 2011

'There's no political connectivity between BRIC powers'

Frank Wisner is a former ambassador to India and recently President Barack Obama's special envoy to Egypt. He discusses international politics and the outlook for Egypt and the Middle East with Samyukta Lakshman of Gateway House:

How do you see the transition in Egypt from dictatorship to democracy? The Muslim Brotherhood will certainly play a role, but will it play a constitutional role?
We are obviously in early days, i can't be entirely sure how the Egyptian political system will evolve, but i believe that in their holding a constitutional referendum on March 19, the Egyptians have taken a first step. Dates for parliamentary elections and then a presidential poll have also been set. Between now and September, you will see political parties take new life; candidates for the presidency will emerge. The press will be vigorous and free.

Egypt's instincts are to sort herself out. I am hopeful that Egypt will come through this with a democratic system. But there are lots of unanswered questions: What will the role of the Muslim Brotherhood be? How will the army see its role going forward? Will the economy be disrupted? Basically, i am an optimist about Egypt, and i believe that Egypt's instincts will take her towards stability and a higher level of democratic participation.

How has Libya affected the US's withdrawal plans from Afghanistan and Iraq?
The American intervention in Libya is a part of the international mandate called for by the Arab League and provided for by the United Nations Security Council. It is not a unilateral American initiative; it is now under Nato leadership. It is an allied, European effort that has Arab participation and could not be more different from the American intervention in Iraq.

The US is trying to improve its image. We have a reputation deficit, not to put too fine a point on it. We can only improve our standing in the eyes of Muslims by being clear that we are open to and respectful of Islamic values and traditions. Americans need to be proud, as i am, that we are a multicultural and multi-religious society. Internationally, we have no quarrel with Islam. We have a quarrel with those who practise violence.

I think repairing America's image will take a long time. There will be a reduction in the use of force. The president has announced plans to leave Iraq and Afghanistan. Libya, i am absolutely certain, is a short-term intervention to protect human life, not to begin an occupation. We need to make that clear if we want to sustain Arab and Muslim support for the campaign in Libya.

Were you surprised by India's refusal to vote for the UN action against Muammar Gaddafi's regime?
No, i wasn't surprised that India had reservations about voting for a resolution over the use of force, even for the protection of human life. To many Indians, it meant the intervention of one nation in another nation's affairs. India has long been hostile to such undertakings.

Do you see a BRIC coalition emerging against the US and its allies on issues like military intervention and regime change?
No, i see common interests between India, Brazil, China and Russia but i don't see a political coherence in the line-up. I doubt one is going to emerge. I think India's ties with Washington are important. She will want to preserve her ties with Europe, and it doesn't mean that she won't have good ties with the Brazilians. The same is true of Brazil, China and Russia. There is no political connectivity between BRIC powers.

Google-haggle

A little over a month ago, when Google made defiant noises of shutting down its office in China, the stand-off was phrased with great fanfare as the new clash of civilisations. Google stood for the innovative, knowledge-based western culture: the free world. China, well, for China: mixed ownership, private property rights, strong shut-your-mouth government intervention.

Google said in January that it was likely to close down its China-based search engine as it believed digital bandits in China stole some of its computer coding and attempted to break into the e-mail accounts of Chinese dissidents. It is interesting to note that the agency representing the universal spirit of freedom has been relegated in our mind from a country or a people to a multinational company that specialises in organising information online.

Safeguarding freedom and human rights is traditionally associated with the dogged American pursuit of happiness. The US monopoly of freedom is now strangely the home turf of Google. The US is happy to back it, of course. Secretary of state Hillary Clinton's defence of Google last month in a reaction to Chinese cyber vandalism was proof that US foreign policy now extended to the internet.

Clinton added to the four basic freedoms that Franklin Roosevelt stated in the 1941 State of the Union address, against the backdrop of Hitlerian assaults on the democratic sensibility of the world. The four basic freedoms are freedom of expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want, and freedom from fear that "people everywhere in the world ought to enjoy." Clinton added the freedom to connect. As she said in her speech on January 21: "... ultimately, this issue isn't just about information freedom; it is about what kind of world we want and what kind of world we will inhabit. It's about whether we live on a planet with one internet, one global community, and a common body of knowledge that benefits and unites us all, or a fragmented planet in which access to information and opportunity is dependent on where you live and the whims of censors."

Since Google is the champion of a new freedom spawned by a new technology, what it does is likely to largely define the nature of the lifestyle of future generations. But, it has been a disappointing battle so far. Google officials say they are in talks with the Chinese government since mid-January, when they threatened to walk out of China, unless that country rolled back its censorship laws.

China's online population is 384 million, the largest in the world. Most of them prefer the local engine Baidu to Google. Reports estimate that by 2014, China's internet ad market could range from $15 billion to $20 billion annually, up from about $3 billion now. If Google stays on, it is likely to net around $5 billion to $6 billion of the revenue even if it plays second fiddle to Baidu.

That's a lot of money to kiss goodbye to. Which is why after the fleeting first moments of bravado and grandstanding, Google has kept a low profile and the much-hyped confrontation with the 'Other' culture has muted down to confabulations.

One of the famous philosophies of Google is "you can make money without doing evil." This is a questionable premise as a lot really depends on what you mean by evil. Baldly put, if Google chooses to stay on in China despite censorship and hacking, it'd be for profit. And that'd be at the expense of basic freedoms and at the expense of a few hundred lives at least. If that transpires evil would have been perpetrated any way.

The current clash of civilisations turns out to be not so much about a new freedom as an old and careworn spectre: the ethics of business. It'd be great fun to see if one of the world's most innovative companies can indeed find a way around making money without doing evil. Virtually, or otherwise.

For the love of cricket

During the1999 World Cup, i was in Miami. We had no money, so there were no expensive satellite hookups to watch the genteel game at home.

Who would be that special someone who would accommodate our cricketing needs ungrudgingly? Game time in the US is almost always in the wee hours of the morning and inviting strangers into your home in darkness is never easy. Luckily, we found someone who happened to be an acquaintance of our halalmeat man.

I found myself pre-dawn in a strange home, abandoned by my husband who was genuinely engrossed in the game and unaware of strange eyes everywhere... Much to our misery Pakistan lost that match, but i gained some insight and wisdom, thanks to the lady of the house, into how to hold onto my marriage: 'Have children jaldi.' Okay stranger, as you wish.

The game made us extend boundaries into the lives of people we would never have crossed paths with otherwise. Gracious, humble people who welcomed us into their home simply for the love of the game. They shared their family, food and joy, and willingly let us encroach into their intimate circle. I distinctly remember sitting on a chawki supporting my back with a gao takya, wondering if i would have opened my heart and entertained them into my tiny apartment had they been lacking the satellite hookup. I hope so.

Twelve years down the road, i find myself in a dissimilar situation and no dilemma, but the passion for the game remains the same. We have the advantage of watching the game at home on HD but my husband still prefers to watch it with a group of friends, which generally means a car drive in the wee hours of the morning which sometimes translates to non-HD viewing, but no longer to a stranger's house.

This time, however, we hosted the quarterfinal between Pakistan and the West Indies. The first doorbell rang before 1.30 a.m. and by victory time there was a band of brothers exchanging high-fives over parathas and karak chai. It was lovely. Now the band of brothers plans to congregate on March 30. I will watch the match at home; i did pay heed to the strange lady's advice, i need to watch my kids.

As Pakistan prepares to battle India in Mohali i can think of countless reasons why Pakistan needs to win the semifinals, and one of them may just be that we are, in our minds, unprepared to lose. We, in Vegas, have already decided on a home for the 'raatjaaga' for the semifinals, and i am trying to coax people into committing for the final, but apparently commitment is a jinx.

There are ultimate optimists, like me, who have decided on hosting the victory celebrations, and many a pessimist who chant, 'ho hi nahi sakta', to which i say, 'mark my words, this time we will sip from the Cup'.

I hosted a dinner party last night and the atmosphere was electric. All my friends were from the homeland, but one. As she entered hostile territory, all gave her a sheepish smile and goaded her. She remained unperturbed, but hummed this popular Hindi song 'Aaaa dekhain zara, kis main kitna hai dum'. To which came, 'Boom boom, jab bhi miltay hain hum aur tum'. It almost felt like a wedding. Who will take the bride? Your guess is as good as mine.

Ride The IT Wave

The finding of an IMRB survey that internet penetration in rural India is set to double this year is welcome. The digital divide between rural and urban India is one of the main bottlenecks to equitable growth.

The total number of active rural internet users is projected to touch 24 million, an increase of 98% over last year.

The quantum leap can be attributed to increasing awareness, greater accessibility and the maturing of initiatives such as the government's National e-Governance Plan that has led to the mushrooming of 90,000 rural IT kiosks across the country.

Private sector projects such as ITC's e-Choupal and Google's Internet Bus have done a commendable job in educating the uninitiated about the benefits of the internet. For empowering people it is imperative that the information super highway reaches every corner of India.

Access to the internet could transform the rural economy. It would enable farmers to keep themselves updated about latest farming techniques, weather forecasts and the trading prices of various crops.

Villagers could access information related to welfare schemes, education and work opportunities in the cities. E-governance could streamline the delivery of government services at the grassroots. Leveraging mobile telephony, access to which is expanding rapidly, to deliver IT services is a good idea.

Thanks to inexpensive mobile handsets, a small investment is all it takes to access the internet. Combined with the unique identification project, mobile phones can be transformed into powerful tools for rural banking and a plethora of financial services. Organised retail could increase its footprint. With benefits galore, internet access in rural areas needs to be a fundamental entitlement

Economics of death

What price do you put on someone you love? That's the real and unasked question in the debate on passive enthanasia - terminating the lives of the incurably ill who are no longer conscious or capable of acting on their own. I recall a family's terrible dilemma which i found myself involved in some years ago.

One of the sisters in the family was stricken by an irreversible and fatal disease that attacks the auto-immune system and for which there is no known cure. The diagnosis had been made too late to try alternative therapies which might have deferred the inevitable. The patient - to whom i was not related but who was as close to me as if she were my own sister - went into a coma and was taken to a state-of-the-art medical facility in Delhi.

The moment she was admitted into the hospital, the patient, in effect, ceased to be a human individual with human attachments of family and loved ones and became instead the property of a team of medical specialists. No longer conscious of where she was or what was happening to her, she was put into an intensive care unit which no one could enter except those who were treating her. We could see her through a glass pane, attached to mechanical devices which took over from her the business of existence: the breathing of the lungs, the beating of the heart, the circulation of blood, the intake of nutrition. She became a machine, linked to other machines.

Regular as clockwork the attendant team of specialists would look in on the patient. Literally look in. Open the door, look at her from the doorway, make a note on clipboards they were carrying and go away. It was a large team and day by day it seemed to get larger. Who are all these people? i asked a nurse. Doctors, she replied.

What sort of doctors? i asked. Special doctors, said the nurse. They were indeed special doctors, as i discovered. One was a dietitian. Another was a dermatologist. Why did a patient unable to take in any nutrition other than through a drip need a dietitian to visit three times a day? No one knew. Why did the patient need a dermatologist's visit every day? No one knew.

But each time these specialists would look in on her, the visit would be put on the bill. Which, like the team of specialists, was daily growing bigger. It was, after all, a state-of-the-art private hospital. With high overheads, including specialists who occupied expensive offices and had to earn fees in order to pay their rentals.

Twice a day we'd go to see the head doctor. No, there was no change in the patient. No, no change could be expected. No one could bring themselves to ask the question that hung in the silence like a thunderclap: How long do we go on like this, how long can we go on?

The family was reasonably well off. But how long could they afford to keep the patient in the hospital? One month? Two? A year? There were other expenses to meet, a son to be educated, futures to be provided for. But how do you put a cut-off price on a life? Even on the life of a machine kept alive by other machines.

The family couldn't do it. So i volunteered. I told the head doctor there was no more money for the ICU, for the machines. The doctor looked thoughtful. I see, he said. There was no talk of the law, or of ethics. No talk of the sanctity of life. No talk of miracle cures.

Sometime that day, we weren't told when, the machines were switched off. The patient stopped being a patient and became a closed file and a final bill. Which the family paid, racked with remorse, feeling that what they were paying was blood money. Was this sum what a life was worth, no more and no less? To the loss of a loved one was added the burden of guilt.

Parliament can legislate on the ethics of euthanasia. Who's going to legislate on the economics of death, and the cost that conscience has to bear? What is the price of someone you love?

Promises to youth, one kept, one made

Having promised to campaign for seven young men and women, each of whom he had reportedly selected, Rahul Gandhi found himself against an obstacle today. He worked his way round it, even if it meant making a detour through another state. It was his first campaign tour in West Bengal.


Of the four rallies on Rahul’s itinerary today, three were in constituencies being contested by one or the other of the seven Youth Congress members he selected. The first, Mal in Jalpaiguri, presented no problem. A rainstorm then made it impossible to helicopter to Mothabari in Malda.


The route from Bihar to Malda was, however, clear. Rahul abandoned his helicopter after the rally at Mal, where he campaigned for Youth Congress member Hiramon Oraon, 32. He drove to Bagdogra Airport, took a special plane to Purnea in Bihar, and from there took another helicopter to Bengal for the rallies at Mothabari and Domkal, Murshidabad.


In his pitch for his young candidates, Rahul centred his speeches around the youth — what the Left Front has not given them, what the Congress and its ally can.


Campaigning for Sabina Yeasmin 32, at Mothabari, he pointed out that she is a youth herself and will therefore work for the interests of the youth.


He blamed the Left government for lack of job opportunities, saying 15 per cent of the youth are unemployed in the cities and 10 per cent in the villages. “There are two ways to find a job... One, you leave West Bengal and go to a state like Rajasthan, Maharashtra or Bihar; second, you become a CPM member.”

Iran helping crackdown in Syria: US

The United States today accused Iran of secretly helping Syria in its efforts to crackdown on demonstrators.


"We believe that there is credible information that Iran is assisting Syria. I'm not going to get into details about that material assistance, but it's of real concern to us," State Department spokesman Mark Toner told reporters.


Toner, however, said he said no details about what assistance Iran is providing to the Syrian government.


"I don't have details about what material assistance they're providing the Syrian Government," he said.


"We're troubled by these reports, and we would just say that if Syria is turning to Iran for help, it can't be very serious about real reform," he said.


In a news report, The Wall Street Journal claimed that Iran is are providing Damascus technical assistance to monitor online communication from opposition groups to organise protests.

"We believe that Iran is materially assisting the Syrian government in its efforts to suppress their own people," an Obama administration official was quoted as saying by the paper.


According to the Journal, US officials say they don't see Iran as the driving force behind popular revolts against longtime US allies in the Mideast, and caution they have no concrete evidence that Iran is providing or preparing large-scale financial or military support to opposition elements in Bahrain or Yemen.


"Rather, the White House has worried that protracted political turmoil could provide an opening for additional influence by Tehran, whose nuclear ambitions are a concern to the US and its allies in Europe and the Middle East," the report said.

Jammu CU all set to lose one more academic year

JAMMU, Apr 14: The Central University of Jammu, which was sanctioned by the Union Human Resource Development Ministry following massive agitation in this part of the State, is all set to lose one more academic year as there is no end to the stalemate over appointment of Vice-Chancellor even after the lapse of one and half year. On the other side, the Central University of Kashmir has geared up to start its second academic session and got four more courses sanctioned from the HRD Ministry.
Official sources said that the process for new academic session in the Central Universities begins in the month of June when all India level Combined Entrance Test (CET) is conducted for selection of students in different streams and the entire exercise is completed by first week of August to pave the way for start of session. Moreover, prior to the conduct of CET, a minimum of two months time is required to make preparations for the start of academic session.
Keeping this schedule in view, all the Central Universities of the country, including that of Kashmir, have geared up to begin new academic session. The Vice-Chancellor of Central University of Kashmir has even obtained sanction from the HRD Ministry for start of four more courses like MA in Economics, MA/ MSc Mathematics, MA in Journalism and five years Integrated BA LLB.
However, as no name has so far been cleared by the President of India, Pratibha Devi Singh Patil, who is the Visitor of all the Central Universities of country, for the post of Vice-Chancellor of Central University of Jammu and only one and half months time is left for holding CET, it seems that this varsity is going to lose one more academic year, sources said, adding "even if VC is appointed within next few days it would really be a daunting task for starting academic session".
"It is really a matter of serious concern that a university, which got sanctioned from the HRD Ministry after a massive struggle, is caught in the quagmire because of the rigid attitude of some quarters to accept only local as its Vice-Chancellor and indifferent attitude of the State Government about vigorously pursuing the matter with the Union Government keeping in view the sentiments of Jammu people", observers said.
When contacted, Minister for Higher Secondary, Abdul Gani Malik said, "we are still looking at the HRD Ministry with the hope that impasse over appointment of VC is settled at the earliest and Central University becomes functional". He, however, expressed ignorance about present status of the panel of academicians recommended for the post.
Member Parliament, Ch Lal Singh, who raised the issue of Central University of Jammu in the Parliament a number of times, when contacted, said, "the immediate solution to the impasse is to appoint a caretaker of the University in order to make it functional and this suggestion was made before the Union HRD Minister, Kapil Sibal in a recent meeting".
"I have told Mr Sibal that preference should be to make the varsity functional and it should not be held hostage to the impasse over the appointment of VC", he said, adding "the issue of VC can be decided later by the Search Committee of the Ministry".
Retired Judge, Pavitar Singh, who spearheaded the agitation for the Central University, said, "State Government is responsible for the delay in appointment of VC. As a Pro-Chancellor of Jammu and Kashmir Universities, Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah is very well aware of those local academicians, who are competent enough to hold the post of VC of Central University and he should vigorously purse the matter with the Union Government".
To a question, he said, "we were opposed to Prof Amitabh Mattoo as he is more a politician than academician. We want preference should be given to the local academicians than from outside and only apolitical person should be selected for the post".